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Purpose – Drawing on the currently available research, the authors explore the effectiveness of programs aimed at reducing re-engagement into terrorism, otherwise known as “deradicalization.”

Methodology/Approach – Our approach is descriptive. The authors support their argument with findings from a wide range of studies on these phenomena for the purposes of stimulating discussion.

Findings – Though scientific research on deradicalization remains nascent, there is sufficient promise in emerging findings to support a case for the effectiveness of deradicalization – in short, deradicalization programs can be effective, but just not for everyone.

Originality/Value – Popular accounts characterize deradicalization in a simplistic, binary fashion – they are judged to be either effective or ineffective. The current reality is consistent with some of the earliest conceptual discussion – that is, deradicalization programs do not offer a one-size fits all solution, they cannot work for everyone, and they are of immense practical benefit in some cases. The authors’ fundamental argument is that deradicalization initiatives warrant continued investment.

‘We think it will be a long time’, wrote the editor of the Irish Jesuit review Studies in the autumn of 1968, ‘before the teaching Orders and Congregations in Ireland withdraw from their historic teaching function here; we do not share the fear of one of our commentators that they will some day be required to do so.’

The advocates of church schools — ie schools owned and controlled, although not necessarily paid for, by church authorities — usually manage, with very considerable skill, to win the first battle with their critics before the critics even know that it has taken place. This is the all‐important battle about the terms in which the argument is to be conducted. Ideally the argument should be based on the question: Why have church schools at all? The whole subject has, however, been so successfully mystified over the past few decades that the operative question is, in fact: What right does the state have to take schools away from the church authorities? In some societies where the churches are particularly strong and the state relatively weak, the question is even more loaded: What right does the state have to interfere with church schools?

Ever since Mead, sociology has maintained a deep divide between human and non human animals. In effect, Mead constructed humans as having capacities that he saw lacking in animals. Recent research on animals has challenged the traditional ideas of Mead and others by providing evidence of animal intelligence, adaptability, selfawareness, emotionality, communication and culture. This paper examines the human‐animal relationship as presented in Introductory Sociology Textbooks to see if this new research on animals has allowed us to move beyond Mead. We find outdated information and confused thinking on such topics as the relationship between language and culture, the development of the self in animals, and the role of instinct, socialization and culture in animal behavior. We conclude that, with few exceptions, the main function of the treatment of animals in these texts is to affirm the hard line that sociology has always drawn between humans and other species.

In Metro Vancouver, Vaisakhi celebrations are organized by local Sikh gurdwaras to mark the Punjabi harvest season and the anniversary of the Sikh Khalsa, which was formed in 1699. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how Vaisakhi celebrations have become mechanisms for state institutions to refigure and extend their racial authority over Sikh places and populations through their coordinated appearances at these public events. These appearances are analyzed to reveal how contemporary racial states are characterized by complex conditions of visibility and public identification that obscure and foreclose the racial conditions of their authority.

The data analyzed for this paper were generated through observational fieldwork at Vaisakhi celebrations and extensive archival and media research on the changing racial governance of Sikh and South Asian populations.

The results show that, in Metro Vancouver, racial modes of governance have created “post-racial” relations between the state’s public visages of diversity and accessibility and its expanded legal regulation of the social and political places of local Sikh populations.

The concept of political appearances is developed to explain how contemporary racial states reproduce and augment their authority through discursive practices of public engagement with minority populations as well as the specific aesthetic conditions of these engagements. The paper also offers important cautions against state practices that expand the presence of law enforcement within marginalized communities by showing how this enhanced visibility can engender forms of racialization.

Notes that what applied scientists in classical continuum mechanics are doing is based on knowledge established by Newton, Cauchy, Euler, Rayleigh and others, and no really fundamental laws or principles in continuum mechanics have been “discovered” since. Newtonian mechanics provides a vital tool, which is still valid in all manners of ways from engineering to astronomy. Illustrates that we are not inventing completely new concepts of the world – rather, we are dealing with more and more precise models designed within the scope of Newtonian continuum mechanics. Nowadays, material non‐linearities, large strains and deformations, high‐velocity impact problems and others are routinely treated by sophisticated discrete tools, for example boundary elements, finite elements as expressed in Eulerian, Lagrangian and/or ALE formulations. Notes that modern methodologies are based on progress that is constantly being reported in finite element technology areas and that we should not believe in free‐energy production.